Forbes post, “What If We Stopped Worrying About The Social Security Trust Fund?”

Originally published at Forbes.com on June 11, 2019.

 

Readers, I’ll start with a reminder:

I believe that Social Security doesn’t need just a little bit of renovation, taking out the old wallpaper and replacing the carpet with hardwood, but needs a whole-house gutting, in which we swap out, for future accruals, the current clunky bendpoint-based formula for a flat anti-poverty benefit paired with a mandatory account-based funded system on second-tranche income.  (Democrats are already proposing, via the “Social Security 2100 Act,” a much-increased minimum benefit, and various states are implementing state-sponsored mandatory auto-enrollment IRA programs, but I am convinced that the only way to implement a reform that will have widespread bipartisan support is by incorporating a funded system, with smoothing and pooling, into the Social Security system in place of the current structure, for middle-income pay-replacement.)

I acknowledge, however, that, to date, I have succeeded in persuading, near as I can tell, 0% of Congress.

That being said, so long as our imagination is limited to new coats of paint, I’m increasingly inclined to believe that we should simply discard the idea of caring about the end point of the existing Trust Fund.

If, on the one hand, life and health expectancy has increased such that it’s reasonable and appropriate to increase the retirement age, then we should do so regardless of what other decisions are made.  (My personal preference would be to legislate a method for adjusting the retirement age on a regular basis at that age at which a fixed percentage of workers, say, 1/4 or 1/3 of the group, would otherwise need to retire for disability/health reasons.)

If, on the other hand, the consensus is that we need some combination of tax hikes and earnings-cap adjustments, and if at the same time, there’s a majority belief that tax revenue needs to be boosted in any case, why do we need to play games with a “Trust Fund”?  Why not simply adjust taxes to the level needed to remedy deficits and fund whatever other spending the majority wants, in ways that are sustainable in the long term but recognize that demographic challenges will grow over time?  For that matter, why, if we want a benefit formula in which the wealthy subsidize the poor, rather than a “pay your own way” contribution, why should we limit taxes to wage income?

And, again, recall that of far greater significance than the Trust Fund is the old-age dependency ratio; back a year ago I referred readers to a Brookings statistics that total federal spending on the elderly is projected to increase from today’s 20.5% of GDP to 29.4% of GDP in 2046 — not 29.4% of government spending but of the total economic output.   How we cope with this aging future matters more than an arbitrary Trust Fund Depletion Date.

Consider the Disability Trust Fund.  In the 2016 Trustee’s report, this fund was projected to be depleted as soon as 2023.  In 2017, that number moved to 2028, in 2018, to 2032, and in the most current report to 2052.  Is Social Security Disability Insurance “fixed,” then?  No, of course not.  The program has widely-acknowledged problems, as many genuinely disabled Americans find themselves obliged to hire lawyers (and pay their contingency fees) in order to navigate the system, and others succeed in collecting benefits despite a genuine ability to work; hence, this stretching out of the fund depletion date is the result not of American’s improved health so much as the improved economy keeping more people in the workforce who would otherwise be deemed unable to work.  Other acknowledged shortcomings of the system include the lack of partial disablement structure to keep Americans in the workforce if they are able to work on a partial basis, and an insufficient return-to-work program.  (See, for instance, “16 Reforms to Improve the Solvency and Integrity of Social Security Disability Insurance,” a report at the Heritage Foundation or “Disability insurance: A crisis ends, but problems persist,” at the Brookings Institute, for recent commentary.)  For that matter, a report in yesterday’s Washington Post about a proposed disability change, in which blue-collar workers who are not proficient in English would no longer qualify for disability on the principle that they can’t transition to a desk job, signals a fundamental flaw in a system of all-or-nothing, which leaves no room for temporary benefits while an individual leans a new occupation, be that skills for a desk job, or English language instruction.

And none of these issues have anything to do with the depletion of the Trust Fund — but have we so conditioned ourselves to think of the depletion date as the target that we can’t think sensibly about more fundamental reform?  Certainly, the drumbeat of “we have to reform Social Security Disability” has diminished quite considerably as that date was moved further and further into the future.

And the same is true of “regular” Social Security, that is, the Old Age and Survivors’ program.  Yes, we must craft a benefit design and funding structure that is sustainable in the long term, and which takes into account anticipated life and health-expectancy improvements and expected changes in the long-term in fertility rates, economic development, and the like.  But to take as our marker the Trust Fund depletion date, or set as our objective replenishing the Fund?  Let’s not.

 

December 2024 Author’s note: the terms of my affiliation with Forbes enable me to republish materials on other sites, so I am updating my personal website by duplicating a selected portion of my Forbes writing here.

What’s your #IllinoisExodus Plan?

moving van

Readers, I have been frustrated by the Illinois end-of-session legislative frenzy since it became clear that this frenzy was indeed underway.  In the first paragraph of a recent Forbes article, I wrote:

Illinois readers will already be aware of the flurry of activity due to a May 31 deadline for the regular legislative session in Illinois: legalizing potpassing a budget, and funding a massive infrastructure construction plan with tax boosts and a near-doubling of gambling positions in the state, along with some 300 other bills that sailed under the radar in the last days of the session.  And — sadly, but not surprisingly — the details of these bills were largely hammered out in backroom deals, without any transparency.  It’s a discouraging story, and readers elsewhere can choose whether to take this as a cautionary tale or revel in schadenfreude.

Now, part of my initial frustration was due to the funding side of things:  the fact that there was no reporting, that I could tell, on how revenues from pot and gambling increases were being calculated, and there appears to be a dearth of analysis on the impact of pot and gambling on those Illinoisans who are already living paycheck-to-paycheck, other than a repeated assertion that people are already going to Indiana to gamble so we might as well keep the revenue in-state.

But it was proving difficult to comment on the state’s actual spending plans for the $45 billion in “capital” spending.  Is it legitimate infrastructure spending, with allocations made by experts to get the most bang for the buck in terms of long-term benefit to the state commensurate with the long-term borrowing to fund it?  Or is it pork?

Turns out, it’s pork.

Here are some excerpts from the Chicago Tribune‘s reporting:

How much each rank-and-file lawmaker gets to claim for his or her district is a bit of a moving target, but several Senate Democrats said they were allotted about $6 million each for what’s euphemistically called “member initiatives.” Several House Democrats said they received about $3 million each from a program their party’s rookie governor had pushed for months. . . .

Speaker Madigan played a big role in carving up the pork-barrel spending. Included in the bill is $50 million for grants to be doled out by the Illinois Arts Council, which is chaired by Shirley Madigan, the speaker’s wife.

Steve Brown, a spokesman for the speaker, said many lawmakers have long shown support for the art group’s initiatives.

Madigan’s 13th Ward in Chicago also will benefit. There’s $9 million for upgrades to Hancock College Preparatory High School, where city Public Building Commission records show a replacement school with a capacity of 1,080 students is moving forward just south of Midway Airport. Brown noted there’s a “lot of overcrowding” in area schools.

Also falling within Madigan’s sphere of influence on the Southwest Side is a $31 million grant for a new building for the Academy for Global Citizenship, an independently operated charter school in the Chicago Public Schools system. It’s slated for construction at 44th Street and Laporte Avenue, which is represented in the House by freshman Democratic Rep. Aaron Ortiz of Chicago, who did not return messages seeking comment. . . .

The capital spending plan lists millions of dollars for baseball, football and soccer fields, basketball and tennis courts, playgrounds, bike paths and other recreational venues throughout the state. In Springfield, that’s known as “spork” — sports-related pork.

Standing to benefit is pickleball, a fledgling sport that’s part tennis, part badminton and part pingpong. Democratic Sen. Terry Link of Vernon Hills tucked in $100,000 for the Buffalo Grove Park District for pickleball courts and other renovations.

The Park District plans to seal coat eight new courts at Mike Rylko Community Park because the paddle sport has “really taken off,” said Ryan Risinger, the district’s executive director. The new courts would replace rarely used sand volleyball courts, he said. . . .

The spending plan also includes plenty of money to make sure the family dog is well-exercised — $400,000 is set aside for dog parks. . . .

South Side Democratic Sen. Jacqueline Collins said she secured $370,000 for the Inner City Muslim Action Network to help with renovations of a building at 63rd and Racine Avenue to provide a grocery store for healthy food. . . .

North Side lawmakers are influential in the legislature, and the capital spending bill reflects that.

The plan includes nearly $1.5 million for an AIDS Garden to memorialize Chicago’s fight against HIV and AIDS. . . .

Rep. Mary Flowers said fellow House Democrats each were allotted $3 million to $4 million to spread around their districts to fill requests for schools, roads, bridges and other projects. . . .

“Everybody was kind of happy about being able to bring something home,” she said.

And, remember, this is not “free money”; Illinois is not so prosperous that it can merrily dole out extras just for fun.  As of today, the state has an unpaid bills backlog of $6.8 billion; this is money owed to contractors/vendors who will get paid when the state is good and ready to pay them.  (Who are these vendors?  Lots of human service providers.)  Money that’s being spent on parks or other amenities in politically-favored legislators’ districts could have gone to pay down this backlog.   And, incidentally, Buffalo Grove is not a suburb that’s struggling financially.

And the GOP?  They played the “if you can’t beat them, join them” game.  While they don’t appear to have been sharing in the pork largesse, they are touting their success at getting tax breaks.  Not at producing structural reform.  Not at negotiating a pairing of the upcoming graduated income tax amendment on the 2020 ballot with an amendment to enable pension reform.  Just tax breaks, mostly for their favored business-constituents.

Back in the fall, I wrote a series of articles at Forbes about multi-employer pensions.  It’s a topic that I’m overdue in revisiting, because, for the “red zone” plans, the longer Congress delays in providing its fix, the worse it’ll be.  But here’s something that I haven’t shared with readers before:  I made some connections to folks trying to come up with solutions in that space.  I even experienced what seemed like a small success when an expert group, testifying before Congress in the winter, used some of my ideas.  (OK, fine, that may have been coincidence, but I’m still chalking that up as a win.)

Separately, there are serious conversations around Social Security and retirement.

But in Illinois?  My efforts at writing about the pension funding crisis at the state and city (Chicago) level leave me more discouraged than ever — there is no serious effort to solve this; instead we’ve got Pritzker’s “let’s sell assets” proposal and Lightfoot’s apparent expectation that gambling and pot will pay for pensions.  And it’s not just pensions, but the fact that those in power in city and state like to talk about “sacrifice” but still promise that their constituents will be happy recipients of tax cuts and government money, thanks to either a magic money tree and/or Bad People paying more.

Is there a path forward, a way in which concerned Illinoisans can say, “it’s time to fix this”?  Here in my suburb, voters, by a narrow margin, chose a Democratic State Senator over the Republican incumbent in a pitched battle with multiple daily mailers and robocalls; on her website, she applauds herself for voting for the budget and for pot legalization but says nothing about the capital bill.  Likewise, the Democratic State Representative in the district a half-mile over also is a first-time legislator who won in an open district formerly occupied by a Republican; he promotes his votes for the so-called “Fair Tax” as well as his vote for the budget on his webpage.  (My own district is Republican-held after, again, a close vote and endless mailers.)  Yes, former governor Rauner’s unpopularity, as well as the Trump-caused dislike of the GOP in general meant that their candidates were seriously disadvantaged, but the Democrats now hold such a majority that the Democratic leadership — Madigan, Cullerton, Pritzker — have, near as I can tell, unchecked power, and every intention to use that power to implement policies coming from a conviction that what ails Illinois is a failure to spend enough state money, paired with what appear to be declarations of prosperity, in the form of a massive statewide minimum wage hike and a new law fixing the minimum salary for a teacher at $40,000 statewide, with no apparent aid for the small-town and rural school districts whose starting salary begins below this threshold (except insofar as teacher salaries are an input into existing state aid).  And this even as the state, year after year, loses residents.

I know it seems unwarranted to say, “we can’t do anything about this,” given that we do have free and fair elections in Illinois, but the groundswell of opposition that it would require to get Republicans elected in contested districts, when the Democrats’ war chest is so large, or to get an anti-Madigan Democrat on the ballot at the primary stage, would be so massive that it simply does not seem like a feasible endeavor, relative to the alternate approach of identifying a state to which to relocate, in our case, after the youngest is out of school.

So, readers, which state do you recommend?

Image:  https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:U-Haul_moving_van_Elm_Street_Montpelier_VT_August_2017.jpg; Artaxerxes [CC BY-SA 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0)]

Forbes post, ” More Cautionary Tales From Illinois: Tier II Pensions (And Why Actuaries Matter)”

Originally published at Forbes.com on June 7, 2019.

 

Earlier this week, I shared with readers the ill-fated attempt to reform Illinois pensions by requiring local school districts to pay the added costs of their teachers’ pensions when they boost their salaries beyond 3% per year; this measure was slipped into last year’s last-minute budget and removed (restoring the old 6% limit) in this year’s last-minute budget, in a demonstration of the intractability of Illinois’ pension woes so long as the guarantee of future accruals and future increases remains in the state constitution.

As it happens, that’s not the first time that legislators have cobbled together reforms which fail to accomplish their objective.

Readers who are employed by large corporations and have been around for a while likely have experienced the joy of being told that their employer is changing the terms of their retirement benefits program, either switching to a “cash balance” benefit, reducing the generosity of a defined benefit program going forward, being offered the opportunity to switch to a 401(k), or simply being told that the pension plan is being frozen and replaced by a 401(k).  (Have less seniority? Ask your older co-workers.)  From an employee perspective, this might appear to come out of nowhere, but these changes would invariably have been preceded by extensive modeling and calculations by a plan’s actuaries, to calculate the impact on pension accounting and funding requirements and the impact on participants’ projected retirement income.  Yes, even if employees might not like the outcome and even if the results of the calculation were to determine that the new formula’s retirement income, while smaller, was tolerable enough, it remains the case that the actuaries did the math.

But these calculations did not occur in advance of Illinois’ implementation of its two prior reform attempts, the Tier 2 and Tier 3 plan changes to the benefit provisions for new hires.  Each of these was rushed through the state legislature without any consideration of its impacts, and offered short-term gains but at the risk of posing a “pension time bomb” that may turn out to have been no real solution at all.

The Tier 3 changes date to 2017.  The intent was to create a hybrid defined benefit/defined contribution system for new employees, but as Ted Dabrowski at Wirepoints reported in October 2018,

Tier 3 was shoved into the state’s omnibus budget bill back in July of 2017. It was one of the token gifts given to Republicans in exchange for their help in overriding Gov. Bruce Rauner’s veto of the 2018 budget.

Now, nearly a year and a half later, the Tier 3 hybrid plan hasn’t been implemented. And there’s little sign of any action on it. The law that originally created the plan needed lots of fixes for it to work, according to the state’s retirement systems. But the bill that makes those fixes has been stuck for months in the House Rules Committee. That’s where bills go to die.

The Tier 2 system dates further back; it covers all employees hired after 2010.  The precise details of the Tier 2 benefit program differ for each of the 5 state retirement systems (for teachers, state employees, university employees, judges, and legislators), and variations exist for the retirement programs for City of Chicago employees, and other public employees in Illinois, but there were three key changes in the Tier 2 benefits:

  • Retirement age and minimum vesting service were increased;
  • The Cost-of-Living adjustment was reduced from a fixed 3% per year to half the rate of inflation, and is additive rather than compounded (that is, if CPI is 3% for four years, your original benefit is increased by 4 times 1.5% rather than 1.03 x 1.03 x 1.03 x 1.03); and
  • Pensionable pay is capped at a level that sits at $113,645 in 2018, but increase at a rate of half the rate of inflation.  (The legislators, not surprisingly, chose to apply neither this provision nor the COLA reduction to themselves or the judges.)

For the teachers, the impact of these provisions is harshest, especially bearing in mind that Illinois teachers (unlike those of 35 other states) do not participate in Social Security.  Illinois teachers do not vest in their benefits until reaching 10 years of service.  Their normal retirement benefit is not available until age 67; while they are eligible to retire at age 62, their benefit is reduced by 6% per year prior to age 67.  They contribute 9% of pay towards their benefits (though, roughly half the time, their local school district pays the cost as part of their contract), but (unlike the statutory requirements for private-sector plans which require employee contributions) they do not earn interest on their contributions, which comes into play for teachers who leave the state or leave teaching without a full career, and do not vest or have only a small vested benefit.

What’s more, the $113,645 pensionable pay cap may seem generous, but the effect of the below-inflation growth over time are damaging; the 2018 actuarial report uses a CPI assumption of 2.5% and an assumed wage growth of 4% (that is, with seniority- based and other increases stacked on top of this baseline).   What’s this mean?

  • In 2018, the cap stood at $113,645, the average teacher’s wage was $71,845 and the average wage for teachers at retirement age (65 and up) was $89, 994.
  • In 2027, the cap is projected to grow to $127,088, reaching a level below the average wage for teachers at retirement, which is projected to grow to $128,090.
  • In 2035, the cap is projected to grow to $140,367, reaching a level essentially equal to the average wage for all teachers, at $139,946.
  • And by 2050, the cap will have grown so slowly relative to teachers’ pay that it will only cover 67% of the average teacher’s salary, and 53% of the average for near-retirees.

All of these items, taken together, mean that the Tier 2 teachers, with their 9% contributions, and using the plan’s valuation assumptions, are actually subsidizing everyone else.  The actuaries calculate what’s called an “employer normal cost” — the present value of the coming year’s benefit accruals as a percent of pay, after subtracting out the employee contribution.  (You can find this on page 83 of the report.)  If you participate in a 401(k) plan with an employer contribution, you can compare these values.

In 2020, the employer normal cost for Tier 2 teachers was -1.75%.  Yes, that’s a negative sign.

Now, that number is a bit unfair, because Tier 2 teachers are younger, on average, than the group as a whole, and as they get older, due to the magic of Time-Value of Money, the value of their annual benefit accruals will increase.  In 2046, the final year of the actuary’s projection, this value improves to -1.04%.  What’s more, this calculation is based on a valuation interest rate of 7%.  If a more conservative bond rate were used (for example, 4%), the total normal cost, and the employer’s share, would both increase — a back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that the total normal cost would increase by 50%, from 8% to 12%; subtract out the 9% employee contribution and you’ve got an employer normal cost of 3%.  Yes, this is better than nothing.  But, for a plan that’s supposed to be replacing Social Security and providing additional benefits besides, this is not sustainable.

So what’s this mean?

One the one hand, it’s a win for the state’s coffers.  The contribution schedule that is targeted at reaching a 90% funding level in the year 2045 relies in part on the plans’ liabilities growing more slowly than they otherwise would, due to the coming retirements of Tier I participants and the increasing growth in the Tier 2 workforce.  This leads to a bizarre situation in which the state of Illinois contributions, in the short term, do not even exceed the amount needed to hold the plans’ unfunded liabilities steady, yet the funded ratio increases steadily.  Taking all five plans together (page 111 of the consolidated report issued in April), unfunded liabilities that are forecast to reach $136,842 at the end of 2019, continue to climb to a peak of $145,860 in 2026 before finally beginning to decline year by year.  (Other factors are also at play, such as a contribution schedule that’s still phasing in to 50% of payroll, on average across plans.)

But here’s why this situation is called a “time bomb”:  in order for a public pension plan to opt out of Social Security, minimum benefit requirements must be met.  Here’s a News-Gazette report from this past March:

The concern, however, is that Illinois teachers do not participate in Social Security. Federal law allows state and municipal governments to do that, as long as the benefits they pay out are at least equal to what Social Security pays, a law known as the “safe harbor” provision.

But Andrew Bodewes, TRS’ legislative director, told the panel that because of the small cost-of-living increases built into Tier 2, those pensions soon are likely to fail to meet the federal adequacy test.

 “So that means once the Tier 2 teachers are retiring, each and every school district will have to perform a test on that member to see if they get a benefit at least as good as Social Security,” he said. “And if they don’t, they (the school districts) will have to enroll in Social Security. They’ll have to enroll going backwards.”

That means school districts would have to make as much as 10 years’ worth of back payments into Social Security.

That article expressed hopes for reform legislation this year — which, of course, did not happen in the May legislative frenzy, and continues to be deferred.  And, again, improving benefits for Tier 2 employees with no means of modifying the Tier 1 benefits will simply further increase costs.

So it’s a cautionary tale — reform is great.  But for Pete’s sake, do the math first!

 

December 2024 Author’s note: the terms of my affiliation with Forbes enable me to republish materials on other sites, so I am updating my personal website by duplicating a selected portion of my Forbes writing here.

Forbes post, “Hidden In the Legislate-A-Thon, Illinois Restores Pension Spiking”

Originally published at Forbes.com on June 4, 2019.

 

Illinois readers will already be aware of the flurry of activity due to a May 31 deadline for the regular legislative session in Illinois: legalizing potpassing a budget, and funding a massive infrastructure construction plan with tax boosts and a near-doubling of gambling positions in the state, along with some 300 other bills that sailed under the radar in the last days of the session.  And — sadly, but not surprisingly — the details of these bills were largely hammered out in backroom deals, without any transparency.  It’s a discouraging story, and readers elsewhere can choose whether to take this as a cautionary tale or revel in schadenfreude.

Hidden in the details of the newly-approved budget is something that had been on the teachers’ unions wishlist ever since, well, pretty much exactly a year ago, when, in the prior legislative session, the 2019 budget contained a cost-saving measure prohibiting pension spiking.  Specifically, to cite, yes, my own article at the time:

Illinois has long had issues with pension spiking — with local school boards raising pay for their teachers in the years just prior to their retirement to significantly boost their pension benefits at comparatively little cost to the local school board.  This was partially reined in with a reform law in 2005, but not completely:  back in 2015, the Chicago Tribune reported that the penalties local school districts were supposed to be paying whenever they continued to engage in the practice, were regularly being waived, and in 2017, the Northwest Herald reported that districts were taking maximum advantage of the remaining degree of spiking permitted.

The 2005 reform bill did not prohibit excessive pay increases but required that local school districts pay for the increase in pension liability due to pay hikes greater than 6% per year in the pre-retirement averaging period, and the 2018 budget increased the local school district’s cost responsibility to include the pension liability effect of pay hikes of more than 3%.  This was projected to save $22 million per year.

The Illinois Education Association (that is, the state teachers’ union) had a campaign, “Repeal the 3%,” and there was separate State House and State Senate legislation pending to remove this provision and restore the ability to spike pay up to 6%.  And their complaints were not unreasonable, that the move from 6% to 3% meant that not only were spiking-related pay hikes being prevented, but that routine increases for cost-of-living plus any additional duties undertaken or new certifications obtained, would be impacted, and that school districts would refuse increases rather than pay for the long-term impact on pensions.  And they got their wish in a provision tucked into the budget, with a restoration of the ability to pension-spike up to a level of 6%.

Now, you’d think there’d be a reasonable middle-ground here, allowing for districts to increase pay, but simply excluding those excess pay increases from being included in the pension calculation.  But such is the straightjacket that Illinois is in, due to its constitutional prohibition of any changes to future pension accruals of existing employees, that this simply isn’t possible.  The plan provisions specify a fixed definition of pay, and that definition must be retained.

And, yes, even though the legislature placed onto the 2020 ballot an amendment permitting a graduated income tax, in order to hike taxes on (what’s currently promised to be only) the upper middle class and wealthy taxpayers, pleas to put a reform amendment up for a vote alongside the graduated income tax amendment are continually falling on deaf ears.

Now, in the grand scheme of things, a $22 million annual savings is a drop in the bucket compared to the $134 billion in unfunded pension liabilities (measured at a generous expected-investment-return basis rather than bond rates) owed by the state of Illinois, and the failure of this attempted reform, both in terms of the degree to which it was well thought-out in the first place, and the speed with which it was repealed, simply points to the intractability of Illinois’ pension problem as long as all state and local pensions (yes, Chicago’s too!) are locked into a guarantee of future accruals, and guarantees of future COLAs, with no room for sensible changes.

And, of course, Illinois isn’t the worst in the nation:  Kentucky and New Jersey have worse funded ratios and New Jersey has a higher per-resident debt, according to Bloomberg’s 2018 calculations.  Connecticut is nearly as troubled as well, and, heck, there are plenty of other poorly funded state plans (not to mention the local plans!), but Illinois stands alone among these in being so constrained in its ability to remedy the situation due to its constitution.

 

 

December 2024 Author’s note: the terms of my affiliation with Forbes enable me to republish materials on other sites, so I am updating my personal website by duplicating a selected portion of my Forbes writing here.